The three stragglers who were found in the early s each had their own reasons for hiding. He saw himself as a deserter and was convinced that he would be killed if he were discovered. He dug himself a burrow from which he emerged only at night. He was discovered and captured, on 24 January , by local villagers whose day out hunting probably proved to be more memorable than they might have imagined. After many unsuccessful 'rescue attempts' led by the Japanese government, Onoda showed himself to a young Japanese adventurer, who, by his own admission, had gone to Lubang to find Onoda as he might have gone to Nepal to search for a yeti.
Nakamura was coming out of his little hut on the morning of 18 December when he found himself surrounded by Indonesian soldiers. Nakamura was a Formosan Aborigine who had been drafted into the Japanese Army early in , and he was repatriated directly to Taiwan. Nakamura, who spent more than twenty years in complete isolation, did not know the war was over, and was convinced he would be killed if he was found. The impact of the discovery of these soldiers in the Japan of the seventies cannot be overestimated. Nearly thirty years had passed since the defeat, and the post-war generation was well into its adulthood.
The themes that greeted the return of stragglers reveal an ambivalent attempt to bridge the distance between the war and post-war population. Admiration for the stragglers was uncomfortable: they were, on the one hand, incredibly resilient survivors, but they were also soldiers and 'militarists', and as such, despised.
At the same time the stragglers were made 'other' by their portrayal as exotic creatures with emphasis on a diet of exotic fruits, grubs, mice and snakes. Another central theme centred on post-war Japan's self-confessed failure to explain adequately the reasons for the stragglers' long exile. This in turn emphasised the symbolic and emotional distance from the war, a distance that could be bridged only by portraying the stragglers purely as 'victims' of the war and of the wartime government, making it an experience shared by the rest of the population.
These themes also revealed Japan-centric and inward focusing boundaries of remembrance, despite the fact that someone like Onoda had a very real and tragic impact on the island of Lubang. A younger generation that had known only prosperity and peace, was coming of age and had, on the whole, little interest in Japan's wartime experience. Indeed, this younger generation often only thinly veiled its contempt for the 'antics' of those who had lived through the war. Those who had fought for the now defunct Imperial Army had also fought for a nation radically different, in many ways, from the one young Japanese knew.
For those who had fought in the war, the return of the stragglers provoked a search for meaning, as well as an opportunity to reveal publicly their feelings of guilt, anger, or pride. They looked upon the young generation with dismay, and accused it of superficiality, of materialism, and of ignorance, while at the same time berating post-war Japan's failure to teach its children about the war and its tragedy.
Many of the older generation also felt that Japan had lost, as a nation, the spirit of endurance, loyalty and self-sacrifice that had, in its view, motivated these soldiers to remain behind. The awareness of a generational gap in memories permeated the running commentary on the stragglers' return. But if the generational divide mentioned above was self-consciously explored, the way in which these memories were gendered was not. The gender fissure in memories of the war can only partly be explored by the differences between mainstream magazines and magazines aimed more specifically at women.
It is certainly the case that women's magazines did not cover the stragglers at the same length and frequency than other magazines. Certainly, considerations of the stragglers' potential marriage and potential children appeared predominantly but not exclusively in magazines directed at women. But to consider purely the difference between women's magazines and more broadly aimed weekly publications might be somewhat limiting, as constructions of gender were found across the range of newspapers and magazines.
This slightly differing focus, should however, be kept in mind. In the reports on the stragglers, the experiences of women were constructed within the tropes of motherhood and femininity by depicting them as soldiers' wives and mothers. In that sense, discourses on women were also connected with ideals of masculinity, gender relations, and the family. The most immediate entry into these considerations, in the plethora of reports on the return of the stragglers, is found in the widespread interest in getting the stragglers married as soon as possible.
The stragglers' assimilation, out of the jungle into urban Japan, and out of wartime into the prosperous s, was depicted as a concern shared on a national scale - excepting, perhaps, those young people who, disillusioned with their own environment, considered that the stragglers would be better off staying in the jungle. The Josei Seben added that this was a wish shared by the entire population of Japan.
In that sense, the constructions of womanhood in the reports on the stragglers reflect widespread - indeed national - public discourses on gender. Both in the case of Yokoi and Onoda, who were single when they left for the front, and in the case of Nakamura, whose 'widow' had remarried ten years after the end of the war, re-integration into the post-war world was deemed possible only with the presence of a supportive wife.
In the case of all three stragglers, the possibility of marriage, or of resumption of married life, was an important part of the interest in their return. The search for the 'right wife', both for Yokoi and for Onoda, is particularly enlightening in that it plays on set expectations of gender roles and characteristics, and a portrait emerges of the 'kind of woman' best suited to someone who had not only just come out of a three decade-long period of hiding, but who was still immersed in a wartime mentality.
While Yokoi was still in hospital in Tokyo, for example, several magazines concentrated on the discussions taking place, amongst his relatives in Nagoya, on a potential bride. Although a twenty-year old office worker seemed to be a good choice for some she was known to be a serious and gentle young woman , for others, the age difference was too great. They were hardworking, kind, and often widowed with grown up children.
Importantly, they also had a relatively high degree of experience with soldiers - something that a twenty-year old could not have. One of the 'applicants' was a forty-two year old widow, who was taken with Yokoi because he reminded her of her husband: he had the same military countenance, and the same strict kibishii manner of speaking even though her husband had been in the Navy, she was sure she would understand Yokoi's 'Army' manners.
In short, she implied that she could handle the fact that Yokoi was 'different'. She also stressed the importance of her children, adding that Yokoi would benefit from their presence. Open Collections. UBC Theses and Dissertations. Featured Collection. The popular view holds that bushido was a centuries-old code of behavior rooted in the historical samurai class and transmitted into the modern period, where it was a fundamental component of Japanese militarism before In fact, the concept of bushido was largely unknown before the last decade of the nineteenth century, and was widely disseminated only after , especially after the Russo-Japanese War of Following more than a decade of largely unquestioned thrusts towards modernization and Westernization after , Japanese thinkers looked to their own traditions in search of sources of national identity.
The first discussions of bushido at this time were not the work of conservative reactionaries, however, but were conceived by relatively progressive individuals with considerable international experience and a command of Western languages. In this context, this study analyzes the use of bushido by the Japanese military and educational system, as well as its popularization by prominent figures in the early twentieth century. This study also examines the reasons for the decline in the popularity of bushido between and the early s, thereby providing points of departure for future research on the trajectory of bushido from to the present day.
I owe special thanks to Dr. Nam-lin Hur and Dr. Peter Nosco, whose astute guidance and incisive questions are responsible for any contributions this study may make to the field, and whose excellent practical advice and support has made my research possible. I thank Dr. William Wray for introducing me to valuable and methods and resources for Japanese historical research. I am also indebted to Dr. Tomoko Kitagawa and Hidemi Shiga for their engaging and challenging discussions in various courses and seminars we attended together, and also for directing me towards several sources that proved to be most useful to my project.
I owe a great debt of gratitude to Jasmina Miodragovic, whose tireless and outstanding efforts on behalf of graduate students in Asian Studies have allowed this and many other theses and dissertations to be realized. In Japan, I extend my thanks to Dr. I am extremely grateful to Dr. Yutaka Yoshida for invaluable advice and guidance on conducting historical research in Tokyo, and for providing me with the opportunity to do so. Toshitada Kitsukawa for introducing me to new sources and approaches in Japanese historiography that have fed directly into this thesis.
I am indebted to Helena Simmonds, who has not only graciously and patiently endured, but has even assisted in the completion of this study. I also thank Renate, Walter, and Ilya Benesch, who have both morally and practically supported me through many years of education and research in faraway lands.
This is discussed in more depth in Part 1, and for the sake of eliminating as much ambiguity as possible, this study will rely on Romanization of the original Japanese terms to the extent that it is practical to do so. This introduction will give a brief overview of pre-Meiji warrior history and thought, but this study does not focus on the evolution of martial ethics during these periods, which has been dealt with in other works.
Through this examination, it is possible to gain insight into the reasons why this ideology was capable of being resurrected in the postwar period, as well as to provide points of departure for future research on the topic. In almost two decades since Mass pointed out this gap in the field, while progress has been made, there is still much work to be done. Although some good translation work has also been done in this manner, the selection of texts and passages has been especially problematic, and terms and concepts from different periods are often conflated or altered to create a homogeneity that is not necessarily supported by the source documents.
Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle, The cause of their silence is not far to seek: Bushido was unknown until a decade or two ago! Chivalrous individuals of course existed in Japan, as in all countries at every period; but Bushido, as an institution or a code of rules, has never existed [original emphasis retained]. It was only shortly before his death in that he became aware of earlier occurrences of the term. Interestingly, the term only appears thrice in this page compendium, as three of the selected house codes include it once each.
The Hagakure, an early eighteenth-century work which came to be one of the most significant samurai texts after its eventual publication in the early twentieth century, provides an example of both of these characteristics. This thirteen-volume work brought together the most comprehensive collection of historical documents relating to the samurai class, and many of them have not been published in any other form. In addition, the frequency of use increases in the later documents, 23 Saiki Kazuma et al.
Large differences between the written and spoken languages in Tokugawa Japan complicate attempts to make inferences from the former to the latter. Fortunately, there is a wealth of cultural material that used the samurai class as its focus, making it possible to glean an understanding of the frequency with which the term was used. Terry Eagleton, Figures of Dissent, These works, covering every century of the Tokugawa period, are certainly among the most popular samurai-related narratives of the time, indicating that the terminology they contain was widely understood in Japan during the time in which each was published.
Instead, Takizawa frames most of his ethical discussions in Confucian terms relating to filial piety and loyalty, although he still uses the term bushi to refer to his protagonists. Tokyo: Britannica Japan, This can be seen most clearly in later commentaries and translations of the Hagakure, both in English and modern Japanese, as it continues to be one of the most popular texts related to samurai thought. One such instance is the Charles E. Another approach taken by some scholars, such as Takahashi Tomio, has been to use the term historiographically while prefacing it with a specifier that limits unsustainable claims to universality.
A similar equivocation regarding the same passage is made by Stacey Day in the preface to the Proceedings of the International Symposium on Hagakure. This admonition applies not only to foreign translators, however, and Japanese commentators are equally guilty of misleading transcriptions. The reader will soon notice that there are a relatively large number of Romanized and Italicized terms in this work. Where widely accepted and directly corresponding terms exist, I use the English term with the Romanized Japanese original at the first mention of the term.
Jeffrey Mass has criticized what he sees as John W. This is the question of the very existence of a samurai code of ethics under one or several different names, or even no name, before the Meiji period. The very identification of warriors as a separate class is problematic before the Edo period, and even after this point regional differences and temporal changes precluded the broad acceptance of a warrior-specific code of conduct, as the character and definition of bushi varied considerably from domain to domain.
Karl Friday, for example, has addressed the issues of loyalty and a stoic attitude towards death, which are among the characteristics most frequently attributed to the samurai. Medieval warriors remained loyal to their lords only so long as it benefited them to do so; they could and did readily switch allegiances when the situation warranted it.
In fact, there are very few important battles in Japanese history in which the defection—often in the middle of the fighting—of one or more of the major players was not a factor. It would not be an exaggeration to say that most crucial battles in medieval Japan were decided by the defection—that is, the disloyalty—of one or more of the major vassals of the losing general. For example, at Minatogawa in , during one of the 48 Ibid. The inability of super-regional governmental institutions to guarantee any semblance of protection to the lives and property of the citizenry resulted in a diversification and expansion of military entities.
Temples, most of which had always had considerable fighting forces, increased these to the point that they represented some of the largest armies in the land. Peasants increasingly banded together in religious or secular ikki for protection. As a result, in the mid-to-late sixteenth century, when domainal consolidation increased armies to an unprecedented size, they included a large proportion of non-professionals and had a far higher ratio of pedestrians to equestrians than in previous centuries.
The introduction of firearms in the middle of the sixteenth century increased the effectiveness of conscripted troops as they did not necessitate extensive training to use.
Tom Kemp, Industrialization in the non-Western World
Although the arquebus did require a certain amount of military drill, it did not take the same level of dedicated training required by equestrian archery, and those who used guns as their main weapon were not accorded the elite 54 Thomas Conlan, State of War: The Violent Order of Fourteenth-Century Japan, When fighting forces were relatively small-scale, such as during the late Heian, Kamakura, and early Muromachi periods, horizontal relationships were more representative than in later times.
Most bushi still had direct connections to, and drew their power from, their landholdings, and were able to use this authority as leverage when dealing with other warriors. The great controversy that erupted in concerning the proper interpretation of the period of the Northern and Southern courts, and the legitimacy of the two, is a prime example of this. Medieval war tales were selectively edited and incorporated into new dramatic forms in order to bring forth these virtues, and many elements from these prewar interpretations are still widely disseminated.
Among historians, revision of the prewar versions of medieval history began soon after According to Takayanagi, the accounts of Sengoku warriors were largely products of the Edo period and more a reflection of seventeenth-century society than actual battlefield conduct.
Brownlee, Japanese Historians and the National Myths, , Changes in military technology and tactics in Japan between the early thirteenth and the end of the sixteenth centuries contributed greatly to the fluid nature of warrior society during this period. In turn, the diversity of martial culture defies retrospective attempts to superimpose codes of warrior morality on anything broader than local groups for more than brief periods.
With regard to warrior morality, the importance of Sengoku lies primarily in providing samurai in the Edo period with historical reference points that, in an idealized form, gave considerable legitimacy for their domination of the political order. In addition, specific incidents or individuals from Sengoku could be selected by Tokugawa theorists to argue for or against certain points. In this context, the most important theoretical shift from Sengoku to Edo was also a social one. During the earlier period, there can be no doubt that a certain martial elite perceived themselves to be primarily warriors, but the distinction between warrior and civilian was less clear among lower-ranking or part-time fighters.
On a theoretical level, that which set Japanese warriors apart from other social groups, especially before they were given separate legal status by Toyotomi Hideyoshi and Tokugawa Ieyasu, was nothing other than the awareness of being different from non-bushi in some way. While bushi may have themselves been aware of their bushi status by virtue of their martial duties distinct from those of courtiers, monks, or other non-combatants, they would have been unable to point to any consistent, widely accepted, or unique ethical or moral norm that set their profession apart from the rest of the population.
This created an awkward situation in which there was little or no application of the martial skills that formed the basis for samurai domination of the political sphere. The situation is further complicated by regional differences that meant that certain groups were considered samurai in some domains but not in others. It could be argued that the large number of surviving writings that sought to define the significance of the warrior class indicate that the bushi were highly aware of their unique status and desired to understand its nature.
Conversely, these same texts could be interpreted as evidence that samurai found their social status increasingly challenged by economically powerful commoners, some of whom were also purchasing or receiving samurai privileges such as the right to wear swords. In this environment, samurai would have felt considerable pressure to identify characteristics that made them different from, and superior to, the other classes.
The sense that their position was under threat may also explain the vitriol directed towards commoners in the writings of some 72 Ibid. On the other hand, especially towards the end of the Edo period, other commentators of both samurai and non-samurai extraction increasingly rejected the notion that there were fundamental differences between the classes. Depending on the specific domain and period, the variety of stratifications within the bushi and commoner ranks led to situations in which the differences within the classes were often greater than they were between certain members of either, resulting in a degree of overlap, especially in terms of lifestyles and economic status.
In addition, he will not be able to prevent involvement in parent-child, sibling, and spousal relationships. Without these, there could be no proper human morality among all the other people under Heaven, but the tasks of farmers, artisans, and merchants do not allow free time, so they are not always able to follow them and fulfill the Way. A samurai puts aside the tasks of the farmers, artisans and merchants, and the Way is his exclusive duty. In addition, if ever a person who is improper with regard to human morality appears among the three common classes, the samurai quickly punishes them, thus ensuring correct Heavenly morality on Earth.
It should not be that a samurai knows the virtues of letteredness and martiality, but does not use them. Therefore, formally a samurai will prepare for use of swords, lances, bows, and horses, while inwardly he will endeavor in the ways of lord-vassal, friend-friend, parent-child, brother-brother, and husband-wife relations. In his mind he has the way of letteredness, while outwardly he is martially prepared. The three common classes make 76 For example, in much of the country, hatamoto ranks were hereditary, whereas ashigaru were not. However, there were also ashigaru who were able to pass their positions to their descendants, further blurring the lines.
Henry D. In this incident, 47 masterless samurai carried out a famous attack, but only 46 of them surrendered to the authorities and were condemned to seppuku in the aftermath. The government responded by simply striking his name from the list of accused. Therefore, it can be said that the essence of the samurai is in understanding his task and function.
There are two major problems with this view. According to Yamamoto, the disparity between the classes was also due to the inferiority of non-samurai, but this was due to the innate nature of the individuals in the classes rather than a product of the social structure. Legislation in the form of rudeness-killing laws burei-uchi did, in fact, permit samurai to kill commoners for perceived slights, but the obvious social disorder that this practice would cause meant that it was only seldom applied.
During this time, they were politically specified as such and, on the whole, did not differ significantly from the general populace in terms of ability, religion, geography, or any other readily identifiable characteristic. Equally, aside from their ostensibly elevated status in the social order, and pronounced consciousness of the same, there were no other dominant factors that would have tied bushi together. Since their status was primarily a political and professional distinction, it is natural that their religious, behavioral, and ethical views were as varied as those of the population at large, and far more likely to be determined by influences other than their status as samurai.
However, this consciousness of belonging to an elite varied greatly depending on time, location, and the specific situation of the individual bushi, and for many of them the differences within their class seemed greater than those between the classes. Colin Holmes and A.
Ota Yuzo, A. These archives, comprising over , works published between and , provide digital images of all of these texts, and include fully searchable bibliographic records and, in many cases, tables of contents. Kuroiwa was an newspaper essayist and writer who attracted a great deal of notice for his translation of mystery novels into Japanese. Whereas Japanese in the s not infrequently claimed to be embarrassed by their culture in front of foreigners, by the early s interest and pride in their own heritage was growing rapidly. The first is that all three men had an influence on the leaders of the new Meiji government.
However, recent scholarship has cast considerable doubt on the accuracy of the records of these talks, which were not published until , and it is questionable whether the talks actually took place. Their writings are at times inconsistent with their posthumous roles, and their status as bridges between Tokugawa and modern thought is not straightforward. As we shall see, the writings of Yoshida, Yokoi, and Yamaoka tended to be used less as inspiration for later writers than as carefully selected sources for the historical legitimization of modern agendas.
Yoshida was born in Hagi in , and was adopted into the family of his uncle at five years of age. The breadth of his studies expanded greatly in his early twenties, when he traveled throughout Japan and met with scholars from many different schools of thought. This led to Sakuma being arrested along with Yoshida when the latter was captured. Instead, Yoshida was sent back to his domain, where he was imprisoned and placed under house arrest for almost two years, although he was still able to study and lecture during this period.
Japan , leading Yoshida to criticize those people who attempted to learn about Japan by reading foreign texts. Yoshida criticized prevailing attitudes towards military service,10 and emphasized bu as a type of all-encompassing concept of proper attitudes and behavior. His later thought was marked by an increased emphasis on death and an apparent willingness to sacrifice his life in the name of a great cause taigi. One example of this is the Mencian idea of just revolt against an emperor who has lost the mandate of Heaven, a notion that did not find favor in Japan.
This is due to several factors. While Yoshida became one of the most important figures of the Restoration in later historiography, there were many factions clamoring for change at the time. According to Tanaka Akira, the Meiji period saw the publication of 14 books and magazines concerning Yoshida, in addition to 38 editions of his own writings.
These works argued for both the populist and imperialist interpretations of Yoshida, with the latter becoming the dominant view in the following three decades. There are two reasons for this. And second, Yokoi lived into the Meiji period and was an important figure for almost a decade after Yoshida was executed. This position was later responsible for his assassination by extreme loyalists.
The thought of many reformers and activists could at some point be labeled loyalist, but changes in personal ideology during this time were not infrequent. In addition, the activities and views of many restorationists were retroactively changed or exaggerated by either themselves or their biographers during the Meiji and later periods William G.
Youth and Rural Modernity in Japan, 1900s–20s
Beasley, The Meiji Restoration, These difficulties are not limited to the loyalist label, however, and many different groupings and affiliations in the Edo Period would become subject to considerable historical revisionism during Meiji and beyond. One of the most complex examples of this process is the retroactive affiliation of thinkers and activists with the teachings of Wang Yang-ming, whether or not they were actually interested in his writings.
As William Beasley has pointed out, only 14 of the loyalists in Satsuma and Tosa in were 35 years of age or older, a figure which also seems to be representative of loyalists in other han. As a result, the thought of Yoshida and many of the younger loyalists did not contain practical, constructive recommendations in case their revolutionary aims succeeded, leading some scholars to describe it as nihilistic. Yokoi and others realized that military resistance was futile, but rejected dealing with those nations that lacked righteousness and justice. They were able to overcome this obstacle with the aid of the Kaikoku zushi, which included a very positive assessment of 34 D.
Russia, especially, was described as an enlightened nation with a ruler comparable to the Confucian sages. This pragmatic approach differed greatly from the thought of the younger loyalists such as Yoshida, for whom negotiation with the West remained unthinkable. This difference can also be seen in the attitudes of Yokoi and Yoshida towards the condition of the samurai. Both men considered the samurai of their time to have degenerated from an ancient ideal, largely due to the misguided separation of bun and bu that had occurred during the Tokugawa peace. While 38 Ibid. Instead, many samurai should contribute to society by pursuing other professions, such as silkworm raising, fishing, metalworking, and sericulture.
Yokoi realized that it would not be possible to incorporate all samurai into a modern military, and he was also aware of the necessity of military technology, especially in naval warfare. However, he did not believe that technology alone could win conflicts, and argued that the proper spirit was essential for troops to succeed. Like Yoshida, Yokoi did not have an immediate impact on the use of indicate that the two missed one another on this occasion Thomas M.
From a young age, Yamaoka was interested in military matters, studying strategy and swordsmanship under several renowned teachers. Yamaoka appears to have been a giant of a man, and is often described as a great swordsman and peerless drinker. While many of the anecdotes relating to Yamaoka may be based on fact, others are almost certainly apocryphal, such as the belief that, when he was ready to die, he assumed the zazen position and expired without moving.
Historical events in which Yamaoka played an important role and disinterested accounts by contemporaries provide useful information, but unfortunately these do not add up to a full biography of the man. This is compounded by the fact that many writings attributed to Yamaoka are very likely partial or complete forgeries. Heuskens, in January of The government soon regretted this decision, however, as the new forces threatened to become uncontrollable, and later that year bakufu assassins killed Kiyokawa and dispersed most of the shishi.
The peaceful surrender of Edo was widely lauded, but there were also doubts regarding the honorableness of this action. During his time in the imperial court, Yamaoka continued to train in swordsmanship and study Buddhism, as he had been a devoted follower of the Boddhisatva Kannon since his youth. During the final two years of his life, when his health had begun to deteriorate, Yamaoka wrote prolifically, and was said to have written well over , pages in this period.
For example, the Feb. It is not Shinto; it is not Confucianism, nor is it Buddhism. However, I have closely read the old existing texts, but have seen nothing that is written and transmitted in the sutras.
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I have gone in and out between life and death in various ways, and have melted, cast, and cultivated these experiences so that today I have for the first time reached this point. I now work to actively develop this Way, for although in the past people have not spoken of it, it was secretly in their hearts and let them be without anxiety. As it was undocumented, Yamaoka argued that it could not be understood by merely studying books and writing poetry like a scholar or technician, but that practice was all-important.
By the late s, however, the project of State Shinto had begun to show clear weaknesses, and official hostility towards Buddhism had begun to fade. This is because that teaching truly and completely teaches the way of humanity. The advancement of science and the implementation of a modern legal system were especially troubling for Yamaoka. These two developments separated people from their spiritual roots and made them behave improperly.
Officials in the new bureaucracy were like common thieves who stole their monthly salary. Yamaoka did not advocate the rejection of Western ideas and technology, but instead warned that Japan had to be careful in its adoption of foreign thought. In recent times, gender equality had become a major issue, and Yamaoka saw some validity in these movements, in spite of physiological differences.
Women were often disparaged in contemporary Japanese society, Yamaoka continued, and were seen as far inferior to foreign women. He believed that the lack of educational opportunities for women was a great problem that had a negative effect on society as a whole. Ten ha mizukara tasukuru mono wo tasuku: Nakamura Masanao to Saikoku risshi hen.
This is the argument recently put forth by Anatoliy Anshin, and it has considerable exegetical force. Abe made something of a cottage industry out of publications related to Yamaoka, issuing at least seven books in Anshin provides several reasons for believing that Abe authored the text himself, although it remains to be seen whether they unequivocally support this conclusion. While Abe appears to at least have done a great deal of expanding and editing, this does not mean that the entire text must be a forgery, and that the lectures never took place.
It may be that the lecture notes provided by Koteda were quite sparse and took considerable editing and embellishment to reach a standard suitable for publication. These issues are beyond the scope of this study, but the truth probably lies somewhere between the opposing viewpoints presented by Abe and Anshin. Whether composed by Yamaoka or Abe, the statements warning Japanese to be careful in their adoption of foreign thought reflect the mood of the mids, which was marked by growing disillusionment with many aspects of modernization.
Even his statements regarding Christianity, which Yamaoka saw as being the basis for current world 66 history due to the strength of the Powers,94 were very balanced, and would not have offended a French academic who reportedly attended the lectures. During the Meiji period, there were articles regarding Yamaoka published in the Yomiuri shinbun. Even after his death, an average of several articles a year referenced Yamaoka in some way.
However,searches indicate that almost no articles were published concerning Yamaoka between November and July , which roughly coincides with the publication and supposed peak of popularity of his lectures and other works edited and authored by Abe. Retrieved from Waseda University Theater Museum. Instead, they were resurrected into Meiji discourse only after it had already been established.
Following the Meiji Restoration, Japan introduced sweeping reforms of its bureaucracy, military, and educational system, to name but a few examples. These reforms involved the importation and adaptation of foreign systems of government and management with the aid of European and American advisors. These changes were reflected in the Westernization of many aspects of society, such as diet, dress, and behavior, especially among the upper classes in major urban centers.
While there remained a strong anti-Western conservative movement, and very few Japanese would actually meet a foreigner in person during the Meiji period, institutional changes such as the establishment of a modern education system and broad conscription laws affected all levels of society. The changes that occurred under the Meiji government were resented in many sections of society.
The former commoner classes were most directly affected by the school system and conscription orders, and were upset about the personal sacrifices they necessitated. In comparison, the upper classes, including many former samurai, were able to obtain exemptions from conscription through the payment of Yen, a not insignificant sum at the time. At the 1 Harada Keiichi, Kokumingun no shinwa: heishi ni naru to iu koto, In the s, tangible improvements in the social conditions of many Japanese were still slow to come, and much of the initial optimism that had greeted the new government had dissipated.
While the Western-style institutions continued to expand and evolve as the period progressed, their content came to be less explicitly foreign. This can be seen in the removal of foreign content from Japanese textbooks and the creation of a Japanese literary canon. By the s, even those Japanese who had earlier advocated wholesale adoption of Western systems, culture, and language began to distance themselves from this approach.
This aversion to Chinese thought was exacerbated by the deteriorating relationship between the two countries in the s, culminating in the Sino-Japanese War, which had a profound effect on national sentiment. The search for native morality came to focus on the recent past of the Edo period, and the samurai class was posited as a type of moral compass for modern Japan. Carol Gluck has discussed the creation of Edo as historical space in mid-Meiji, and points out that there was a considerable revival of interest in the subject from the s onward.
The relative importance of each of these three modes of discourse changed over time, generally in the order in which they are discussed here, with none of the three ever completely disappearing or completely dominating discourse. The sense of embarrassment many young Japanese had earlier felt towards their own culture began to wane around this time, and conservative elements in the government were increasingly skeptical of Western thought and culture, if not technology.
These changing attitudes can be seen in the development of the Meiji primary school system, which was modeled on the French , then American , and then German systems. While the early textbooks contained many references to historical personages such as George Washington and Benjamin Franklin, revisions of school texts following the promulgation of the Imperial Rescript on Education meant that the generation of school texts used in the Meiji 30s had eliminated most references to foreigners by The early foreign texts focused on freedom and progressive values, resulting in obvious contradictions with imperial 12 D.
Eleanor Westney, Imitation and Innovation, Although based on the Shinto tradition linked to the emperor, the Imperial Rescript on Education expounded Confucian ethics—what might be described as a modern state version of the Shinto-Confucian syncretism developed in the Edo period. All four of these writers were born before as members of the samurai class, at maybe the highpoint of bushi morale during the years , sensitizing them to issues of warrior morality.
Ozaki was often a controversial figure during his political career, indirectly leading him to acquire a great deal of international experience. Ozaki continued to maintain a close relationship with Fukuzawa, who is said to have reprimanded him for his verbose writing style. When Ozaki submitted an essay during his time at Keio, Fukuzawa summoned Ozaki and asked him who his intended audience was. From now on, write as though you want monkeys to read it. This experience seems to have convinced him of the inferiority of China and Korea relative to Japan and the West, and he touched on this subject in later writings.
Ozaki made the most of the situation by leaving Japan and spending time in America and Europe, especially London, sending travel reports and other dispatches back to the Asano Shinbun. In the first of these beliefs, Ozaki was mirroring the nationalistic thought that his mentor Fukuzawa put forth in the Datsu-A ron.
Breaking with the more simplistic idealization of the West that had dominated discourse for most of the first two decades of Meiji, Ozaki contended that it was not sufficient for the nation to merely adopt European culture and systems. His travels to Europe and America in convinced Ozaki that borders and modern institutions were necessary, but, like England, France, Prussia, and the various nations of Europe, Japan had its own structures, cultures, writings, customs, and climate.
These factors formed a type of protective wall that defined and protected nations. In Japan, a shinshi was generally taken to be someone with a great deal of money and a luxurious lifestyle including requisite accoutrements such as gold watches, top hats, black carriages, and pastimes such as buying geisha and participating in hanaawase card games. Unfortunately, Ozaki continued, these qualities differed greatly from those of an English gentleman, and the terms were not equivalent.
One must be courageous but not violent, gentle but not weak There is not one person who has the education and attitude of a true gentleman.
Even if there are some people who appear to be gentlemen, these are just outward appearances and decorations. The roots of the English gentleman, continued Ozaki, were in the feudal tradition and could be traced to the knighthood, although the ethic had evolved since the medieval period. While agreeing with Dr. Like gentlemen, bushi valued honor, did not commit mean or crude acts, did not bow to the strong or torment the weak, and were ashamed to sit idle and lose their dignity and prestige, to name but a few of the similarities that Ozaki claimed were too numerous to count.
The result of this was a decline in propriety, shame, courage, rightness, while superficiality, toadying, coarse speech, and selfishness had increased. The seinendan were reduced back to village-centered organizations although still headed by the Japan Youth Club after the end of World War II. Google Scholar. Associations for young women also spread, although on a much smaller scale. The most comprehensive accounts of this include K. Only 20 per cent of the young male population passed the conscription exam during Meiji, and it only increased to 40—50 per cent during the Taisho —26 and early Showa periods — See Y.
See also pp. Tenancy had increased from about 27 per cent of arable land in to 45 per cent in Duus ed. A similar argument appears in Maeda, Chihd seinen no tebiki , pp. See K. Matsuo Mohan seinendan no soshiki to shisetsu Tokyo: Kaihatsusha. See also I.