Through this work, it is also important for researchers to use theories and concepts that are culturally appropriate and sensitive to the populations under study to capture their educational experiences Tillman, This is especially important to ensure that Black males are discussed from an asset-based perspective.
Although several frameworks can provide a more in-depth analysis of the experiences of high-achieving Black males such as critical race theory CRT; e. Moreover, the SIM is comprised of the following nine constructs: 1 self-efficacy; 2 willing to make sacrifices; 3 internal locus of control; 4 future oriented 5 self-awareness; 6 need for achievement; 7 academic self confidence; 8 racial pride; and 9 masculinity Whiting, Through the application of SIM, andragogy, and other adult learning theories, researchers may be able to provide a more comprehensive analysis of how nontraditional high-achieving Black males succeed in college settings and the ways in which racial and ethnic identity impact their experiences.
With the increased attention to supporting the matriculation and graduation of Black males, researchers and practitioners have an opportunity to make data-driven decisions to support these men. However, universities must become more vigilant in documenting the retention and graduation rates of their nontraditional student population. Creating national policies on documenting the retention and graduation rates of nontraditional students will provide federal and state policymakers with information to potentially increase funding for IHEs to support their nontraditional student population.
As well, IHEs have an opportunity to identify strengths and opportunities to better support their nontraditional student population generally, and their Black male nontraditional population specifically. Addressing the needs of nontraditional Black students has financial implications, as universities have the opportunity to increase revenue if they have strong reputations for supporting this growing student population.
To inform this work, research is needed on how nontraditional Black males succeed in higher education. Given that many of these students may work full-time while completing their degree, this research can also help employers develop targeted educational incentives for their employees to return to college.
Lastly, there is a need for university officials to develop transition programs that help Black men become acclimated with campus resources including, but not limited to: financial aid, tutoring, academic advising, child care, and career services. In recent years there has been an emergence of Black male initiatives and centers on college campuses e.
Centers like these are needed more widely across institutions and should also have a division that focuses on older Black male students, as this population will have different needs than traditional aged Black males on campus. Addressing the needs of nontraditional Black male collegians will require a comprehensive approach.
In this article I have suggested that in order to determine how to help nontraditional Black males, we must first have an understanding of how HNBMs succeed. Knowing about their success will allow IHEs to develop comprehensive services to ensure their success on campus.
Lastly, given that research on Black males and nontraditional students has focused on their deficits, focusing on high achievers will help reframe deficit narratives about nontraditional Black male students where their successes are seen as the norm and the challenges they overcome can be celebrated. Banks, K. African American college students' experience of racial discrimination and the role of college hassles. Journal of College Student Development , 51 1 , 23 — Bianco, M.
Pathways to teaching: African American male teens explore teaching as a career. The Journal of Negro Education , 80 3 , — Bonner, F. To be young, gifted, African American, and male. Gifted Child Today , 26 2 , 26 — Historically black colleges and universities HBCUs and academically gifted Black students in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics STEM : Discovering the alchemy for success.
Journal of Urban Education: Focus on Enrichment , 6 1 , — Bush, L. Journal of African American Males in Education , 4 1 , 6 — Drayton, B. Black males and adult education: A call to action. Rosser-Mims, J. Schwartz, B. Guy Eds. Swimming upstream: Black males in education pp. Ford, D.
Segregation and the underrepresentation of Blacks and Hispanics in gifted education: Social inequality and deficit paradigms. Roeper Review, 36 , Beyond testing: Social and psychological considerations in recruiting and retaining gifted Black students. Journal for the Education of the Gifted , 34 1 , Freeman, K. No services needed? Peabody Journal of Education , 74 2 , 15 — Fries-Britt, S. Identity development of high ability Black collegians. New Directions for Teaching and Learning , 82 , 55 — Uneven stories: Successful Black collegians at a Black and a White campus.
The Review of Higher Education , 25 3 , — Gast, A. Current trends in adult degree programs: How public universities respond to the needs of adult learners. New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education , , 17— Goings, R. Nontraditional Black male undergraduates: A call to action. Adult Learning , Doi: Journal of African American Males in Education , 6 1 , 91— Morgan State University, Baltimore, Maryland.
Harper, S. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education , 22 6 , — Am I my brother's teacher? Black undergraduates, racial socialization, and peer pedagogies in predominantly White post secondary contexts. Review of Research in Education , 37 , — Re setting the agenda for college men of color: Lessons learned from a year movement to improve Black male student success. Williams Ed. Sterling, VA: Stylus. They don't care about education: A counternarrative on Black male students' responses to inequitable schooling. Educational Foundations , — Henschke, J. Considerations regarding the future of andragogy.
Adult Learning, 22 , 34 — Howard, T. Black males, social imagery, and disruption of pathological identities: Implications for research and teaching. Educational Foundations, 26 1 — 2 , 85 — Jett, C. Journal of Black Studies , 42 7 , — Levin, H.
The public returns to public educational investments in African American males. Economics of Educational Review , 26 , — Kenner, C. Adult learning theory: Applications to non traditional college students. Kimbrough, W. African American men at historically Black colleges and universities: Different environments, similar challenges. Cuyjet Ed. Knowles, M. The modern practice of adult education: From pedagogy to andragogy 2 nd ed. Maton, K. Preparing the way: A qualitative study of high-achieving African American males and the role of the family. The research commissioned for this publication represents the conclusions of a group of leading social science scholars about the major alternatives that have been proposed and, in some cases, experimented on.
The basic conclusion of this research is that there is no demonstrated feasible alternative that would produce the levels of diversity that selective universities find necessary for their educational missions without some consideration of race. This research shows that the alternatives are inefficient, cumbersome, and costly and that they do not accomplish the goal. Research supports the Supreme Court decision recognizing the necessity of limited consideration of race to achieve diversity.
The affirmative action battle in the courts and in most of the research has been about freshman admissions to competitive colleges, and all of the major legal decisions have been about large public universities. The Texas cases, for example, have been about the most competitive public campus in a state where the great majority of students go to public universities within the state.
As we think about colleges, law, and policy, it is, however, very important to keep in mind that affirmative action also applies to graduate and professional schools, which do practice affirmative action but where the leading alternatives cannot, in their nature, work. Competitive graduate schools do not choose students on the basis of high school standing, and their students come from a wide array of colleges that typically do not rank their graduates.
The SES alternative cannot work because graduate and professional students are no longer dependent on their parents' income and are almost all poor in terms of current income. This is one area in which further research and analysis is urgently needed. These reports, like all good social science, do not purport to be the last word, only the best evidence currently available on very important issues for colleges and our courts. In meeting the standards set in Fisher II for legitimatizing affirmative action, these reports provide essential systematic evidence about alternatives.
Good research means that choices can be defended by campuses without having to try each alternative locally.
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These reports show that there are no simple answers but that the large majority of selective colleges across the country that have decided to continue using affirmative action to achieve diversity on their campuses and prepare leaders for our diverse society are making a decision that is well supported by the best available research. The Supreme Court has now reaffirmed the compelling interest that has led the large majority of selective universities to practice affirmative action and set clearer and attainable standards for justifying their conclusions.
This research is part of the answer colleges need. We seek to do four things: a summarize the broad contributions to students' opportunities to access college; b describe the three state percent plans currently in place and the important role demography plays in their implementation; c synthesize what is known empirically about percent plans, their value, strengths, and limitations; and d provide empirically based considerations related to institutions considering the implementation of alternative admissions plans.
As the higher education community contemplates percent plans as possible mediators of the equity crisis, this report finds that there is much to be learned from the rigorous research available on these plans to date and much work left to be done to cultivate their success. Corresponding author : S. In Fisher v. University of Texas at Austin , the Court recognized the right of universities to pursue diversity as a compelling educational interest and affirmed prior decisions supporting the legality of the consideration of race in admissions.
It also highlighted the critical nature of rigorous social science in making and defending sound decisions about admissions policies. Applying the judicial standard of review articulated in Gratz v.
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Bollinger , Grutter v. Bollinger , and Regents of the University of California v. Bakke , the Supreme Court in Fisher v. In , the Fifth Circuit Court again found the Texas admissions policy to be narrowly tailored. Fisher v. Texas, , p. A key rationale of this court's decision identifies that the successful admission of additional minority students under the percent plan was a result of the changing demography of Texas as well as the continuing trends toward resegregation in the state's secondary education system.
In June , the Supreme Court agreed to rehear Fisher. Automatic admissions policies—commonly referred to as percent plan policies—are located as a form of state or gubernatorial policy in Texas, California, and Florida and guarantee admission to a certain percentage of their high school graduates. Bollinger, To that end, our charge with this paper is to review briefly the particulars of the three percent plans and their outcomes to date in a scaled way. While the U. Department of Education and the U.
Department of Justice have provided guidance to universities on the use of race in higher education settings in the United States U. Department of Education, n. In order to understand percent plans and their relative effectiveness as admissions strategies, it is important first to place that discussion in the broader frame of what factors we know affect college access, particularly for traditionally underserved students. This paper is influenced, conceptually, by several related sets of frameworks for understanding the college access to success trajectory.
Specifically, this model, building from St. John , emphasizes that the quality and quantity of available resources and the information provided with respect to those resources influence how each layer in this model mediates or moderates the choice process. For example, financial aid available through institution, state, and federal sources bound the overall choices applicants have to consider when they are making decisions about college application and enrollment decisions e. Additionally, aid influences application and enrollment decisions to the extent that students have access to and an understanding of clear and useful information about what the relative impacts are of related choices e.
As such, this framework clarifies important complexities that inherently underlie the understanding of percent plans most prominently in Texas but also with implications in other states where these admissions plans currently exist. Additionally, work on college access outcomes from economics has contributed to a conceptual frame for understanding college access. Using a variety of data sets both within and outside of traditional education data systems, such work has provided much on family characteristics and wealth in addition to income, as well as the operationalization of access to information networks.
Research during the turn of the century began to emphasize the role of family characteristics and academic achievement in addition to the role of aid on college enrollment Figure 2. After , however, the notion of information networks in the college access equation became more prominent, and the use of novel data sources to quantify this phenomenon aided in the further understanding of this process. Figure 2. The percent plans currently being implemented in Texas, California, and Florida share some overlap but are largely divergent in guarantees and processes see Table 2.
Each state's plan and guarantees are discussed briefly in turn below. The practical result has been a shift in the required rank to gain admission to the University of Texas at Austin. Over time, revisions to the law resulted in the requirement that students graduate with a recommended or advanced high school program of study or the portion of program available to them; Texas Education Code [TEC], , While students identify campus preferences, ELC does not provide a guarantee that the student will be granted that preference, unlike Texas. Each course is assigned a letter from A though g.
Similar to Texas, UC's policy does not discuss financial aid or outreach requirements, and to date, no scholarships have been directly associated with ELC. Students must complete a designated set of 18 courses Florida Department of Education, While aid is not directly attached to the Talented 20 program, priority for financial aid is given to those students in awarding the Florida Student Assistance Grant Florida Department of Education, In summary, then, while packaged in similar rhetoric of transparent eligibility, the three plans offer substantially different opportunities to access public higher education in their respective states.
At one extreme, Texas offers the least restrictive set of guidelines, whereas California, on the other, offers much more reserved benefits for eligible students. Additionally, the percent plans also operate within a complex landscape of other state policies related to higher education, often tied to legislative priorities and available funding for public higher education. In understanding the implementation and outcomes of percent plan policies, it is essential to acknowledge the connection between a state's demography and its policy.
In this paper, we use Texas to illustrate this point. The Black population also grew faster than the total U. During this same period, Texas had the greatest numeric population increase of all U. In connecting the potential enrollment success of an implemented percent plan with demography, one necessary condition would include a large youth age population both eligible to and enrolling in college. Figures 2. That demographic success , however, masks substantial gaps in the expected rate of growth based on population size and, more specifically, where students are choosing to enroll in college.
In particular, underrepresented students eligible for the Texas TTTP were less likely to be represented at elite institutions despite noteworthy increases in their eligibility for admissions under the percent plan. In sum, percent plans vary both in their guarantees and in the ways in which the demographic context nuances the understanding of their effectiveness. Scholars have sought to consider both, and in this paper, we now turn to what the literature has identified about percent plans, their strengths, and their limitations.
Indeed, such questions have received some of the most rigorous analytical attention across multiple disciplines and methodologies of educational topics researched to date. That is, the analyses consulted specifically were used to examine the impact of various configurations of affirmative action and its alternatives, utilizing methodologies grounded in the theoretical frameworks that account for the various factors that affect these plans and their intended beneficiaries.
The second wave of research examines the role of these alternative measures as efficient substitutes to affirmative action. The third wave of research evaluates the effects of state bans on affirmative action by way of state legislation or voter referenda in college admissions, and more recently, the effects of such bans in neighboring states. Long and Tienda found that changes in college admissions decision structures from the percent plan prevented the type of rebound in diversity numbers experienced under a traditional affirmative action i.
More recently, Harris and Tienda confirmed the significance of accounting for the changing demographics in Texas, most notably the increasing percentage of Hispanic students. In particular, accounting for the changes in the size of high school graduation cohorts, it shows Hispanic students at a significant disadvantage with regard to enrollment outcomes compared to White students at the state's top two institutions.
The authors provide additional clarity to the notion of perceived enrollment success by identifying the difference between increased enrollment outcomes on paper versus increased enrollment as it relates to the eligible population of interest that should theoretically be enrolling in college according to their rate of growth by age group. Specifically, Harris and Tienda found that Hispanic students experienced their lowest application and admissions rates during the years the percent plan was in effect, which resulted in their having a reduced presence at the state's flagship institutions compared to years when affirmative action was in place.
These analyses are particularly important because descriptive reviews of admissions rates that do not account for the demographic growth of groups such as Hispanic students instead provide a portrait of increasing higher representation of this group than would otherwise be reported with appropriate statistical procedures. Said differently, ignoring the dramatic changes in the high school graduate population gives the appearance of substantially restoring access for students of color to levels before the percent plan, when, in reality, for a much larger population and share of students of color, it has actually declined.
While statewide analyses of the effects of the percent plan have yielded negative results on the use of this admissions alternative as a replacement for affirmative action, the analysis of one district in Texas employing a regression discontinuity design found some limited influence of the percent plan on college enrollment in flagship institutions in Texas for both White and minority defined in the study as Asian, Black, and Hispanic students. That is, any effect of the percent plan on flagship enrollment is concentrated in high schools that already send high percentages of students to college.
In contrast, data from this large district show that the percent plan does not have an effect on students who attend the most disadvantaged high schools. In Florida, the work remains largely in the form of descriptive statistics, preventing a clearer understanding of the performance of the Talented 20 program.
Similar to the work of Chan and Eyster , Fryer et al. In sum, the work of Fryer et al. The authors caution that such a practice may reduce a worker's i. Arcidiacono provided simulations using data from a time well before states banned affirmative action, and therefore, these simulations should be understood in this context. For example, the data Arcidiacono used looked at college entry in , just a few years before the landmark Bakke decision, which clarified admissions practices in terms of race Regents of the University of California v.
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Bakke , Admittedly, the cohorts of Black students applying to college in that earlier era were considerably smaller than current estimates of numbers of Black high school graduates, which reached a record number in according to the U. Census Fry, He found a more modest effect on the general distribution of total Black student enrollment; however, removing financial aid benefits related to race reduced the percentage of Black students who enrolled in any college as well.
Similar results can be found in an examination of the effect of the most recent bans of affirmative action on college admissions. The following analyses were used to examine these new political phenomena, which are increasing in number, on a national scale. While there are numerous limitations with these data sources, in that it is impossible to account for precollege academic characteristics or the various stages of the choice process noted in other studies, there remains great value in the level of state representation in the CPS data and in the size of the ACS sample.
First, Hinrichs found that while there was no effect from the bans on the typical student or typical college, the bans did reduce the enrollment of underrepresented minorities and increase White enrollment at selective colleges. Furthermore, in California in particular, there was a notable shift in where underrepresented minority URM students were attending college, from more selective to less selective campuses, confirming Arcidiacono's findings as well as predictions of a cascading effect found in various higher education news accounts Selingo, Second, and of most relevance to this review, is the finding that such bans caused a significant drop in underrepresented student populations at the nation's most selective colleges and universities.
Such a finding should not be surprising because affirmative action policies in college admissions are the most relevant in highly selective colleges and universities. Backes found that fewer Black and Latino students enrolled at the most selective institutions as a result of the state bans. In short, the effects of affirmative action, as noted in previous studies, were limited to the nation's most selective colleges and universities. Also relevant to this review is the author's finding regarding enrollment shifts at private universities as a result of the state bans on affirmative action in college admissions.
The study did not find an increase in minority student enrollment at private institutions in states with bans. When accounting for selectivity, however, the effect changes substantially. The effect is also not likely to be mitigated even by offers of financial incentives. Howell left some hope open in restoring some level of diversity through heavy recruitment of minority students but did not provide evidence on effective practices as this was not the intent of the study.
Blume and Long provided similar results in a recent similar national analysis using a more updated national data set although with implications that go beyond the banned affirmative action states of interest. The authors, unsurprisingly, found substantial declines in levels of affirmative action practiced in highly selective colleges in ban states.
However, new to this area of literature is their finding that the decline in the use of affirmative action in such states also negatively affected students who live in adjacent states that lack highly selective colleges e. University of Texas at Austin , p. Specifically, universities were admonished by the Court in its rigorous expectation of universities having a narrowly tailored policy. Should institutional and state decision makers consider the ways in which alternative admissions plans to affirmative action, such as percent plans, might be incorporated into their higher education systems, we provide a set of empirically guided recommendations comprised from over a decade of rigorous social science research.
For example, this dynamic context is occurring across a number of states due to factors such as immigration, a surge in minority births, and the combination of more deaths and fewer births from the White population Frey, In summary, there are very different racial and ethnic compositions both between and within states that shape the possible kinds of diversity colleges can achieve and with whom they must be prepared to support effectively.
Multidisciplinary research across various state contexts, and the nation as a whole, to date has found that these alternative admissions plans do not reach or sufficiently restore the level of race and ethnic diversity present before the retraction of affirmative action, and knowing the outcomes of such decisions is a first step in understanding how to move into the future with other programming and policy decisions.
Increasingly, states are turning toward legislated policies that seek to create a seamless flow for students from primary to secondary to tertiary education and a connectedness to the curricular experiences across grades and educational levels. Such a policy framework marks an important shift conceptually from traditional models, construing each of these educational levels as separate propositions and thus contributing to the continued stratification of educational opportunities and outcomes through the perpetuation of multiple and often competing levers of power and knowledge e.
Institutions need to allocate resources to recruitment and retention carefully and connect them to the broader literature on what influences college choice. Various research studies have documented the benefit of attending a more selective institution as it relates to college completion outcomes. Finally, it is important to recognize the strain this kind of effort puts on already limited university resources.
Universities might seek to leverage current and ongoing efforts, particularly with regard to data collection at the state and national level, as well as to consider the formation of multistakeholder partnerships to take on these tasks. Organizations such as Marta Tienda's Texas Higher Education Opportunity Project at Princeton University and others serve as strong examples of the ways in which scholars, state officials, private foundations, and university leaders can work together to produce rigorous assessment that is useful in improving institutional decision making.
Analyses of data over the last 12 years suggest two stories related to percent plans effectiveness, at least in Texas.
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The second story of the percent plan in Texas is where eligible students choose to go to college. That is, an admissions guarantee does not guarantee enrollment, and various data sources have pointed to this phenomenon to date. In moving forward then, what this body of research on the percent plans requires one to consider is the balance in the relationship between the student and that student's personal context, the institution, and the policies that create opportunity.
One of the fundamental issues policy makers and university leaders alike have to address is the underlying purpose s of admissions and how to assess whether those purposes are being met through the strategies being used. While those in the middle of percent plan implementation and those watching in the wings consider next steps, the paper ends with four simple questions to start the process. First, how can or will the implemented policy contribute to better and more meaningful connections between the primary, secondary, and postsecondary sectors?
Second, in what ways does or can the policy address the broader factors that substantially influence access to college? Third, to what extent is a university or system willing to trade autonomy for transparency in college admissions and to what end? Finally, how are or will be outcomes of such policies defined, measured, and evaluated, and in what disaggregated contexts?
As the higher education community contemplates percent plans as possible mediators of the equity crisis, there is much to be learned from the case studies available in the United States, and much work left to be done to cultivate their success. In this study, we examine the issues raised by the Supreme Court's decision in the Fisher v. University of Texas at Austin case. The decision permitted affirmative action but required colleges challenged by students claiming discrimination to show that they could find no feasible way to achieve the needed diversity without considering race, among other factors, in the admission process.
In spite of high investments of both human and financial resources in many areas, the UC has never recovered the same level of diversity that it had before the loss of affirmative action nearly 20 years ago—a level that, at the time, was widely considered to be inadequate to meet the needs of the state and its young people.
It has never come close to a student body representing the state's population. Keywords Affirmative action; Fisher v. University of Texas at Austin ; admission policies; diversity. Corresponding author: W. Both bans took effect at the undergraduate level in Many progressive legislators and other stakeholders were swift in denouncing the ban and called for negative budget actions against the university in its wake although the UC president and all nine chancellors in the system opposed the policy the regents adopted.
The new policy was an apparent violation of the Organic Act, which established the UC in , and stated: …it shall be the duty of the regents, according to population, to so apportion the representation of students, when necessary, that all portions of the State shall enjoy equal privilege therein.
Organic Act, , Sec. Clearly, all portions of the state were not enjoying equal privilege with respect to access to the university, and many believed the ban would exacerbate an already inequitable situation. Even before the ban, there had been deep concern about the underrepresentation of Latino, African American, and American Indian students in the state, which had led to a new admissions policy only seven years earlier in which the UC regents declared: The University seeks to enroll, on each of its campuses, a student body that, beyond meeting the University's eligibility requirements, demonstrates high academic achievement or exceptional personal talent, and that encompasses the broad diversity of cultural, racial, geographic, and socioeconomic backgrounds characteristic of California.
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Gaining access to the UC for talented minorities is not just an issue of equity; the costs of not attending a UC are high for both individuals and the state. It matters greatly where a student attends college. University of Texas at Austin case , the Supreme Court accepted as given the Court's existing precedents permitting affirmative action, including Bakke U. Bollinger , and Grutter v. Bollinger The Fisher majority then held that the lower court had erred by not correctly applying Grutter with respect to the analysis of narrow tailoring —which refers to the university's burden of proving that the means it chose to attain diversity ensures that applicants are evaluated in a holistic manner and that the consideration of race is the minimum necessary to achieve the university's goal of achieving the educational benefits of diversity.
Training leaders is an important goal of educational diversity. In order to cultivate a set of leaders with legitimacy in the eyes of the citizenry, it is necessary that the path to leadership be visibly open to talented and qualified individuals of every race and ethnicity. All members of our heterogeneous society must have confidence in the openness and integrity of the educational institutions that provide this training.
The UC regents' July resolution banning affirmative action also required the UC to form a task force composed of members of the business community, the university, other segments of education, and organizations currently engaged in academic outreach to recommend ways to increase the preparation and enrollment of educationally disadvantaged students. The objective was to work directly with the high schools that served high percentages of URM students in order to double the numbers of eligible URM students.
The search for alternatives had strong political support. As this study shows, there is a high cost to recruiting and preparing even a small fraction of potentially eligible students, and universities cannot rely on their state legislatures to continue supporting these efforts when state resources are constrained. Over the last decade, many of the nation's most prestigious public universities have faced similar, and even worse, reductions in state funding.
This is a cautionary note for any institution depending on state funding for its diversity efforts and a major barrier to the feasibility of substantially expanding programs. Some notable aspects of the strategies recommended by the task force in included increasing informational outreach, a problem that was well documented in the final report of the UC Latino Eligibility Task Force , as a result of a survey that found a gross lack of information in the Latino community about how to apply and pay for a UC education, a problem that continues to this day.
Finally, while these recommendations were referred to as outreach efforts, suggesting a need to simply establish better contact with diverse communities, it became increasingly apparent that education in California schools would require far more than outreach. The challenge of preparing African American and Latino students for a highly competitive admission process when they are so unequally distributed across the state's schools is evident from viewing Figure 3.
Here, we show the racial and ethnic distribution of students by deciles on the state's academic performance index API , the accountability measure that ranks all schools in the state according to student achievement test scores from lowest 1st decile to highest 10th decile. The more shocking story, however, is told in the percentage of each group found in the topmost decile—the highest performing schools in the state. These are the schools that prepare the bulk of incoming UC students. Here is where one third of all Asian American students are found and one in five of all White students.
A number of studies have documented school segregation patterns in California e. Thus, the SAPEP programs are effectively charged with addressing the enormous disparities in academic preparation that URM students receive prior to applying to college. Figure 3.
All told, out of every African American, Latino, and American Indian public high school ninth graders in California in , only 2. Combined, the programs served a little more than 59, students in — EAOP focuses on four broad program areas—academic advising, academic enrichment e. All campuses provide academic advising, and most campuses provide some form of the other three program areas, although the nature and content of these programs varies by campus.
Nonetheless, EAOP has had to cut back on the suite of services provided and the amount of time that staff have to work with students. EAOP recruits students somewhat differently at each campus, but overall, the emphasis is on recruiting students who are on track to be eligible for admission to the UC.
Most of these students will not ultimately enroll at a UC campus, but most students in the program will be performing well average of 3. Because students who are selected for the program tend to be the neediest and can differ in important ways from all students, the evaluation was not able to determine with certainty what the specific impact of EAOP was on its participants. Of course, it is important to note that most EAOP students are selected on the basis of meeting fairly high standards of academic achievement prior to being enrolled in the program.
The numbers of students served and the types of services provided vary widely across the school programs, but in order to be selected for the program, MESA students should show an aptitude and interest in science and mathematics. It sponsors statewide competitions and closely monitors students' course taking and preparation for college. MESA has also experienced budget cuts over the last decade but has continued to meet most of its goals and reports strong program outcomes. MESA students have twice the level of completion of the required courses for university admission than the statewide average for all students California Department of Education, , but it must be kept in mind that participants are carefully selected to be on track for science, technology, engineering, and mathematics STEM enrollment in colleges, and outcomes are reported for those students who are still in the program in Grade That is, students who have fallen by the wayside are not counted in these numbers.
Puente actually operates two programs: the high school program serves 34 high schools and about 5, students in California, and the community college program serves 62 community colleges more than half of the state's community colleges and almost 8, students. The program, first established in at the community college level, expanded to high schools in using the same basic model. Puente focuses on English language arts skills, particularly reading comprehension and writing—two skills that were identified by its creators as key to college success, but often underdeveloped in Latino students.
It also incorporates a strong counseling component. Puente originally targeted Latino students, but with the passage of Prop in California, it was required to open the program to all students. Puente also assigns a specific counselor to its cohorts of students, and the counseling component is as equally important as the classroom instruction.
Puente consciously selects its participants from a broad range of achievement levels, operating on the philosophy that the weaker students will be brought up by the stronger ones. It only asks that counselors select students who demonstrate a real desire to go to college. Of course, as students are selected independently at each individual site, it is difficult to know how stringently the criteria for acceptance are adhered to.
The high school Puente program was evaluated between and in an attempt to ascertain if the community college model was, in fact, transferable to the high school setting and if Puente students would outperform similar students who had not been enrolled in the program with respect to college going.
Puente also met all its target goals with respect to ensuring students took the necessary college preparatory courses and entrance exams. State officials were unable to provide any information on the race of these students. Declining state general funds for SAPEP programs means that the ensemble of smaller programs receiving funding has evolved considerably over the last decade or so.
A total of 15 programs are listed under SAPEP, and these programs provide various services but do not directly assist high school or community college students in matriculating to the UC. In sum, all of the SAPEP programs endeavor to help students prepare for postsecondary or graduate education, but it is impossible to know how many of those students ever find their way into the UC or if the program played any significant role in the cases where students did successfully matriculate into a UC school.
It is also worth noting that trying to disentangle the particular effects of any of the SAPEP programs on student outcomes is especially challenging. Because of the way the programs are structured, random assignment of students is rarely possible or desirable, and it is difficult, if not impossible, to determine what other influences or interventions the nonparticipant control students may have experienced. Thus, numbers of students reported as served do not tell us just how much of the intervention the students were exposed to or how much staff time or other resources were dedicated to each of the participants or how much intervention is optimal within a range of program and fiscal constraints i.
Getting any definitive answers to these questions would involve huge experiments carried out over years and controlling many other aspects of student experiences. No institution has the resources or the desire to run such programs as experiments, giving them to some randomly and denying them to many others who are otherwise similar. What we see is a combination of practical judgment and the realities of university budgets and state policies.
There is, of course, a certain irony in the fact that the programs were developed primarily to increase the diversity of the university, but it is not allowed to target the most underrepresented students. Proposition prohibits outreach programs that are targeted exclusively to or available exclusively for one gender or one or more particular racial group, when such efforts provide informational or other advantages to candidates who have access to them.
The University may lawfully sponsor programs, such as outreach programs and informational events, that may, because of their content, be of particular interest to members of particular racial groups or one gender. But these are rarely the schools that serve the students of color most likely to succeed at, or go to, UC. Jackson Bd. University of Texas at Austin , , p. Because the university cannot directly target students but only schools, many of the students who find their way into the programs are not underrepresented minorities, although this varies greatly by program and UC campus.
Targeting segregated and impoverished schools that offer more limited opportunities on many dimensions means targeting students who are most likely to need intensive academic and financial support and least likely to be prepared for the challenges and costs at UC. Brown et al. Such efforts are clearly beyond the scope of any single institution. Many students who participate in these programs testify to the programs' powerful impact, and there is little doubt that they play a very important role in the lives of many students.
However, the impact of these programs on the diversity of the freshman class across the UC system is harshly limited by larger realities in California's educational pipeline. Without these programs, the situation in the state's selective campuses would no doubt be even worse. Increasing shares of students, mostly White, simply refuse to state their race in official papers, and the programs do not tend to report, or sometimes even to keep track of, their impacts by race.
Ultimately, a program created to be a nonracial way to achieve diversity is undermined by the view that considering race in any way is illegitimate and can simply become a program in which no one keeps track of race. To some extent, this appears to be the case in the UC as no one appears to be keeping track of the race or ethnicity of SAPEP participants who go on to college. It is hard to have a nonracial solution to a racial problem that starts with the policy that it is illegal to consider race as part of the process in selecting students.
The many programs the UC has operated clearly have had this as the original goal, but the focus and accountability for attaining that goal have evidently diminished over time. The research literature tends to find, although not unequivocally, that affirmative action bans decrease application patterns of underrepresented minorities. Those two studies, while in respected journals, may be limited by reliance upon proxy data data on where SAT scores were sent instead of actual applications. Consistent with earlier scholarship in the late s about chilling effects i.
At six of the eight UC campuses including UC Berkeley and UCLA , there were what one might term anticipatory chilling effects in terms of relative freshmen application declines for underrepresented minorities in compared to a baseline of We believe these findings for African Americans are consistent with the chilling effect phenomenon documented in several studies. A portion of these increases are attributable to the fact that UC applications per resident have increased in part due to the ease of the online application.
It is now very easy to apply to multiple campuses. UCLA currently receives more freshmen applications than any college or university in America. The rising California population and the failure to build more UC campuses 18 18 UC Merced was opened in , although as of , it has enrolled only 5, undergraduate students. Across 16 years, for the UC system as a whole, the nadir 3. The low point for UC Berkeley was 2. As a consequence of its discouraging outcomes in admissions, in , UCLA adopted a more holistic approach to comprehensive review; that is, the admissions process began to take into account the greater context in which students were prepared—or not—for the university.
The results for Latinos reveal some commonalities and some differences as compared to the patterns for African Americans. The first year under Prop , , marked the low point in Latino freshmen admission offers to the UC system Moreover, over the decade and a half since Prop , Latino freshmen admission chances at UC Berkeley and UCLA were still below levels and only eclipsed levels in However, this gradual rise in Latino freshmen admissions on several UC campuses must be evaluated against the backdrop of California's distinctive and rapidly changing demography.
BAMN, As noted earlier, this brief was strongly criticized in Justice Sotomayor's dissenting opinion Schuette v. In fact, the gap has become a chasm. In a brief submitted by the university's leaders in , the officials noted that … from to , the percentage of public high school graduates who were Latino jumped from In other words, the growth in the number of Latino students, while substantial, is still far lower than one would expect based on the number of Latino high school graduates in California Brief of University of California President and Chancellors, , p.
The data we present are descriptive statistics, not a causal model extracting the impact of Prop from other concomitant trends at UC and nationwide. A couple of introductory points are worthy of mention prior to the analysis of the UC campus enrollment outcomes. California has now reached a watershed moment: Within the next few years, Latinos are expected to comprise the majority of graduates coming out of California public high schools.
Access must be judged in relation to the state's changing population. Second, there is a very recent and relatively substantial rise in the enrollment of international freshmen and transfer students on most UC campuses, which is particularly evident in the data. University officials acknowledge that while this shift has potential educational benefits in bringing more diverse international perspectives into the classroom environment, the primary driver of this phenomenon is the nonresident tuition paid by international students' families who pay much higher tuition.
In the last year displayed in our charts below , it is estimated that about 25, nearly one in 10 of the California residents enrolled at UC were unfunded , meaning that the State of California was not providing enrollment funding for such students University of California [UC] Budget Office, This is a problem common across the United States. Given the unequal distribution of income and wealth by race, these changes have significant negative impacts on overall racial and ethnic diversity. A large body of educational research shows that affirmative action has a positive role in boosting African American and Latino college graduation by keeping open access to the most elite schools.
For a summary of this literature including UC graduation rates, see e. At UCLA, marked the lowest point regarding African American freshmen enrollment since the s in absolute numbers, not simply in the proportion of the entering class. Under such conditions, there is a heightened risk of racial isolation, tokenism, and negative stereotyping e. The AAU also includes two Canadian universities not included in the comparisons in this paper. These AAU campuses see Appendix A have received the most attention in the affirmative action debate because of the key role they play in educating American leaders and the intense competition for admissions.
UC San Diego 1. UC Berkeley 2. Because many other states have significantly larger proportions of African Americans than California, 23 23 California's population of African American public high school graduates 7. With the very small shares of African Americans on most UC campuses, students of other races have little opportunity for contact with African American students and their views in classes and dorms—key educational gains from diversity. Our freshman enrollment charts above do indicate Latino gains on several UC campuses e. These two states have by far the largest Latino enrollments.
Because California is the most populous state, and the Golden State also includes the largest American Indian population of any state U. Census Bureau, , Table 4. An exception is Hinrichs , Tables 4. The CPEC was closed down by the governor, and this is an estimate about when these data were last updated. One of the great dilemmas that universities face in finding these students is that most live off reservation but not in segregated areas where recruitment efforts can focus. As a result, too often, they are forgotten. Finally, Figure 3. As displayed in Figure 3.
There has been some progress with respect to the corresponding gap for African American freshman, but it is very recent, within the last 3 or 4 years. In , the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled against the University of Texas's use of affirmative action in a case known as b Hopwood v. In response to the loss of affirmative action, pursuant to legislation enacted in Texas House Bill , the University of Texas instituted what became known as the Top Ten Percent Plan.
Because Texas has many highly segregated schools, with nearly all Latino and African American students, the Top Ten Percent Plan had an immediate impact on increasing the diversity of the undergraduate student body at UT Austin. Seeing the impact in Texas, policymakers in California began to fashion proposals for a similar strategy in that state. Thus, while the university contends that the Four Percent Plan has increased applications from schools that traditionally sent few students to the UC, it did not increase diversity by any discernible amount.
Analyses are not yet available as to why the Nine Percent Plan has had so little effect on diversity, but many of the schools from which UC would hope to draw a more diverse pool of students neither prepare nor encourage their students to apply to the university, and most of these students have never known anyone who has attended UC. Comprehensive review was instituted at UC Berkeley in 29 29 The regents instituted policy regarding comprehensive review in after what was viewed as a successful experiment by the UC Berkeley campus, which began in However, that process has evolved over time, from a separate comprehensive score attached to the regular review of the application, which was meant to include additional information about a student's personal circumstances, to the practice followed today that results in a single holistic score, which incorporates the whole of a student's record in one number.
UCLA adopted the comprehensive reviewing the whole record and holistic assigning a single score review of its freshmen applicants in Two detailed studies have been commissioned to validate the process and outcomes of comprehensive and holistic review. One was conducted at Berkeley Hout, and another released at UCLA Mare, , based on two cohorts of freshman admissions— and Thus, there is now considerable knowledge about the process and outcomes at the two most highly selective campuses of the UC.
And given that access to the state's most prestigious public universities confers many further advantages, including the highest likelihood of actually completing a degree and going on to graduate or to a professional school, a purely quantitative selection process reifies advantage over a lifetime.
Yet, it seems that such quantifiable information as GPA and test scores are exceedingly difficult to overlook within the context of highly selective admissions, even with a comprehensive review.
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See University of California Admissions n. It should be noted, however, that the individual campuses post somewhat different, and higher, freshman admit GPAs than the systemwide website. As noted by Mare in his report on comprehensive and holistic review at UCLA: Academic performance in high school, as indicated most strongly by GPA percentile, passing AP tests, and taking college preparatory courses, have a very strong impact on holistic ranking.
Likewise, readers also place considerable weight on standardized tests, summarized as UC Scores in my analysis. Other personal characteristics that are markers of academic promise also have small beneficial effects on holistic ranking. There is little direct evidence that readers place much weight on limits to achievement and hardships in holistic scoring … pp. The proof in the pudding, so to speak, is in the profiles of the freshman classes. This point is reinforced in our discussion of freshman enrollment above and campus climate further below.